Η ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΣΗΜΑΣΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΟΡΘΟΔΟΞΗΣ ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΛΒΑΝΙΑ 1990-2005. The Political Importance of the Orthodox Church in Albania 1990-2005

https://www.academia.edu/31562221/THE_IMPORTANCE_OF_POLITICAL_ACTIVITIES_OF_THE_ORTHODOX_CHURCH_IN_ALBANIA_1990-2005._PhD_Thesis_2009_Political_Sciences_UN_Belgrade_prof.ddr.hab._Alexios_Panagopoulos._ПОЛИТИЧКИ_ЗНАЧАЈ_ДЕЛОВАЊА_ПРАВОСЛАВНЕ_ЦРКВЕ_У_АЛБАНИЈИ_1990-2005_
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Η ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΣΗΜΑΣΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΟΡΘΟΔΟΞΗΣ ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΛΒΑΝΙΑ 1990-2005. 

The Political Importance of the

Orthodox Church in Albania 1990-2005

(Summary of Doctoral Dissertation. University of Belgrade, Political Sciences)

By prof.ddr.hab. Alexios P.Panagopoulos

Political life of the Republic of Albania is a great challenge for science and political praxis, and especially for the politicology of religion as an extraordinary example of religious influence on politics. This is particularly important in the light of the fact that in the today’s science is predominant notorious untruth that the religion hasn’t influenced and nor is influencing on the political life of the country[1]. The concept that the religious feelings of Albanians are very weakly expressed, and that they always preferred ethnic than religious belonging is commonplace[2], was also defended by Serbian reformer Vuk Karadžić: „They (Arnauts) are from Roman law (but also some of them of the Greek one), so all of them are called Arnauts. And we can tell that all of them hate a little each other, but for other peoples they live like brothers. One of them of Turkish law would kill ten true Turks for one Arnaut of any Christian law, such as an Arnaut of Roman law would kill ten Italians for one Arnaut of Turkish law.

The same idea is exposed by contemporaneous authors. For example, Aleksandar Popović, after asking the question: „Is there any influence of Islam on the cultural identity of Albania’s Muslims?” answers very firmly: „Surely not!“[3]

Albanian people are divided on three confessions: the Islamic, the Orthodox and the Roman Catholic. Within the Muslim corpus there is an organizational division on Sunni and Bektashi community[4]. However, the last census didn’t take account of the religious belonging, so the contemporaneous data are based on hypotheses and earlier censuses that had recorded it. Usually is estimated that in Albania live approximately 70% of Muslims (where the followers of Hanafi school of Sunni Islam and members of Bektashi sect have the relation 2:1 favoring the first ones[5]), 20 %, of Orthodox and approximately 10% of Roman-Catholics.

Nevertheless, the reality in no manners confirms the thesis that the religious belonging didn’t represent an important factor in the life of Albanians. On the contrary, during the history it has been defining a lot, and even peremptorily, their conduct, especially during long lasting domination of Ottoman Empire on the territory of that country. Before the territory of today’s Albania fell under the foreign domination, the people had been divided into Orthodox and Roman Catholic, so after Ottoman invasion and occupation a part of population under the pressure had begun to accept the religion of the conqueror. The fact that the Islam by definition was din va davla (religion and state)[6] in the case of Ottoman Empire was especially expressed, so the conversion of part of Albanian population into Islam at the same time implied also the abandonment of original community with non-Muslim Albanians, and acceptance of the community with non-Albanian Muslims.

About this topic formal communist and extremely antireligious minded atheist, former Albanian dictator Enver Hoxha said as follows: “Brotherhood in Islam was principle and legal question. From the principle aspect between all members of the community, and even between governor and subjects, had to predominate spiritual and material unity“[7]. One contemporaneous Turkish politicologist describe it like that: “Observing the Turks which lived in the Empire, we can notice they did not had any special position in the Millet system, but did represent with all other Muslims (Arabs, Kurds, Albanians) the governing Millet of the Empire; between them there were no ethnic barriers, because the Ottoman Turks had completely accepted the Islamic culture”[8]. To be a Muslim means to subordinate own personal, parental and even national interests to the religious ones. Breaking these rules was considered digression from Islam, and the only punishment for this overstep was death penalty.[9] This same information demonstrates the senselessness of the theorem the religious factor had not divided Albanians internally[10]: though, Sharia Islamic Law ascertainment and enforcement was the main objective of the Ottoman state on its entire territory, therefore also on the territory of today’s Albania[11]. From this point of view is implied that the one who accepts the Islam also accepts the fulfillment of all Islamic obligations, and among them the most important is the Islamic mission accomplishment imperative – dava, i.e. active insistence on conversionof non-Muslims, in order to avoid infernal penitence waiting for unbelievers after death.[12]

Nevertheless, dava also includes the possibility of using of power as instrument allowed by God in the case the non-Muslims don’t want to accept the Islam: despite some exceptions, new Albanian Muslims were obliged even to use the power against their compatriots and even cousins in order to make them accept the new religion. It was the rule only confirmed by mentioned exceptions. From that aspect, it is clear that relation between Albanian Muslims and non-Muslims had to be charged with enmity and enormous hatred,[13] demonstrates how unjustifiable was the theorem that the religious diversity did not influence the breaking of ethnic unity of Albanians. Besides, the same Albanians, and even those which state the nation to them is more important than religion, testify that the thesis about mutual love between Albanians of different religions is not correct. On the same way, Redjep Krasniqi (obviously Muslim by origin), one of proponent of national Albanian project, considers the war leaded by famous Gjergj Kastrioti, well-known as Skanderbeg, in essence was the civil war between Albanian Christians commanded by him and Albanians Muslims under command of Balaban-pasha from the region of Mata, one of original Albanian regions. Typically, among most outstanding warriors was also Kastrioti´s cousin Hamsa. Albanian Muslims manifested unprecedented cruelty towards disbeliever Kastrioti who returned to Christianity and hereby offended to Allah and his emissary Mohammad: Balaban pasha skinned off his nine captured high officers only because they didn’t want to accept the Islam[14].

Consequently, religion has been always considerably defining Albanian’s conduct and comprehensions. More or less, Muslims had been identified with Ottoman Empire as oecumenic Islamic caliphate, and considering that Sharia obliged all the Muslims to live in state like that, it means that Ottoman Turks came as liberators, and not as conquerors, according to the doctrine of Islamic religious authorities. From their point of view, all instruments to establish Islamic rule are not only rightful but also necessary, and that include also killings and violations, kidnapping children for Janissaries and girls for harems, such as sale of men and women on slave markets empirewide.[15] Nature of these Ottoman enterprises is shown the best in following description: “Turkish authority in Southern Albania was great disaster. Turks were robbing and destroying without measures, that is immanent to them. Their chroniclers from 15^th century testify about capturing huge conquest in Albania, about massive burning of towns and villages, indescribable barbarity in treating local population, kidnapping children for Janissaries or for sale on market slaves in Asia”[16].

Land, that later will be promulgated as state property, was farmed by Albanian Christians supervised by Muslim Sipahis, partly foreigners came with new authorities, and partly islamized Albanians. During the time, the number of local Muslims has been increased, the way they after a certain period formed a huge majority of feudal landlords. Their conduct towards the subjugated peasantry is shown the best in the statement of an Albanian historian: “Çiflik owners on their farms acted as true tyrants and treated peasantry worst than slaves in the most ancient times and Blacks in today’s African colonies.”[17].

As we already said, considering the land was the property of state, – more exactly of Sultan as Allah’s representative on the world – each Sipahi, Agha or Bey could get to use a part of it in order to collect taxes for the Islamic established state administration maintenance. Obtaining feudal landlord status implied previous acceptance of Islam as the way of inclusion into the regime. Of course, due to the state necessities there were also Sipahis Christians, but during the time they disappeared. Upon this is clear that Albanian Christians could not feel any connection with their Muslim compatriots who considered them as slaves only because of the fact they were not Muslims. And here it becomes obvious how indeed senselessness and incorrect is the theorem about religious differences supposedly did not affected their internal relations.

Albanians fight for liberation against Ottoman rule stayed away just because of this deep religious collision. While all neighbour nations - Greeks, Serbs, Bulgarians… - had been arising rebellions against Turks, Albanians, on the contrary, had been aligning on the opposite side, side of Istanbul, considering theirself as a part of ruling Millet, in accordance to the already cited interpretation of Turkish politicologist. Besides, just Albanian Muslims in the Ottoman army represented the striking fist of oppression of these Christian rebellions. According to the well-known French writer Victor Berar "we can say at the end of the 19^th century official Turkey had not been giving privileges to anyone except to Albanians... Sultan to his dear Albanians had given the executive power - saber."[18] All this shows how deep was discordance between two religions.

Due to the convincing Muslim majority among Albanians, clearly orientated to the favour of Islamic state, Christian minority could not start independently the liberation fight. Nevertheless, since in the First Balkan War in 1912 was put down the rule of Ottoman empire[19], was planted the question what to do with these Albanians who perceived as their own the defeat of Ottomans because of the identification with theirself, and because there was menacing the danger of the repartition of their state between neighbour countries. Thereby are clear attempts of the promotion the idea of their ethnolinguistic differences from Turks, so the superpowers, in first place Austria, but Italia too, could insist on the creation of the independent Albania, what finally did happened. The people who did not want such independence, faced up to the fact instead of staying in “its country” Ottoman Empire will be divided between others, involuntary accepted that independence“.

Naturally, there is no need to insist as any rate that the whole Albanian Muslim population was exclusively such negatively orientated, and that the Orthodoxes and Catholics a priori were different. Nevertheless, since Muslims were in majority, therefore also majority of Albanians was in favour of staying within the Ottoman Empire. On the contrary, the Orthodoxes who preferred liberation from Ottomans in huge number were in favour of the unification with Greece because identified the Orthodox religion with Greek national belongingness, and most of them indeed were Greeks. Only heartfelt proponents of independent Albania were Albanians Roman Catholics, the fact that is not so difficult to understand. Particularly, they were territorially and ethnically separated from other Balkan Roman Catholics, and because of that even were not under their influence, and consequently subsisted as Albanians[20]. But not so large number of them - barely approximate 10% of total Albanian population (and even less, if is taken into consideration entire Albanian ethnic corps) disabled them to achieve the independence idea on their own. Faced up with these facts, politic superpowers after First Balkan War created independent Albania: no one of influencing countries, especially Austria-Hungary and Italy as Albanian neighbours, had not interest the repartition of the territory of today’s Albania between Serbia, Montenegro and Greece.

The relation of Albanians towards recently achieved independent and internationally accepted country was shown the best in their acting in the First World War: during the most impetuous battles in 1914, in central Albania, where lived the genuine nucleus of Albanian people, arised massive rebellion of peasantry, so not feudal landowners, although they were also among rebels, but common countryside population, extremely poor people who accordingly to the Marxist theory should be against feudal regime like Islamic-Ottoman was. Nevertheless, instead to support abolishment of Ottoman rule and integration of Albania into the European family of nations, what obligatory implies abolishment of feudalism and liberation of peasantry, they paradoxically proclaim the reunification as one of the most important objectives of their fight. Anyway otherwise could not be, because the fight for Islam was the principle inspiration of this rebellion leaded by dervish[21] Hajji Chamil member of Melami Order.[22] Therefore even is not unexpected that the protagonist of idea of Albanian nationalism and fight for independent Albania were against that rebellion movement. That is, among others, the reason why state historicians of the communism era, attempting to find any proof to testify that the idea of Albanian nation was over religious dividing, are describing like that the reserved attitude of the intellectual nationalists towards the rebellion of Hajji Chamil: "Many Albanians patriots were... against rebels. That shows they understood only one aspect of the rebellion and the superficial one, related to religious fanaticism of peasant masses, while they totally lost of sight the social aspect“[23].

It is clear that Roman Catholics and the Orthodoxes could react on the ideology that attempted to return them under the Ottoman repression they suffered for centuries only on one single way: It is completely natural that the firsts and the seconds without hesitation for friends preferred Serbs and Greeks than their compatriots of Islamic religion. The result is known: after First World War Albania is established again as independent state, Ottoman Empire with defeat was broken and on its ruins was born secular Turkey. Albania mostly was surrounded by prevailingly Orthodox Serbia and Greece and on the other side of the sea was Roman Catholic Italy. Albanian Muslims had not choice; unification with defeated Turkey was out of the question, and state had to awake. Most of Roman Catholics supported small number of influential intellectuals of all three religions who were in favour of the national Albania. They were Albanians and had not another choice. Consequently, by the will of international community, activities of intellectuals, support of the Roman Catholics, with passivity of Muslim majority and Orthodox minority faced up with impasse, was created present Albania.

In a state like that, the only possible ideology was secularism; Albania as community founded on the same language, could be created only in the name of secular national idea.

Nevertheless, cutting off from Turkey and Greece anyway could not exterminate the Pan-Islamic, and even Pan-Turkish feeling in Muslims nor Pan-Hellenic in Orthodox. Just because of that, in favour to secular regime were all those who wanted the independent Albania to survive, like Orthodox bishop and founder of Albanian national Church in USA Fan Noli[24]. Inspired on national ideas, after the conflict with Greek priesthood, he founded independent Church in USA. Despite of that, he opposed to the introduction of religion teaching into Albanian schools, because he had very cleared the cultivation of religious differences in public school would disable the creation of national unity[25].

Careful investigation of Albanian sources reveals how religious contradictories had been pressing intra-Albanian relations between two World Wars. Is necessary any larger proof about the real situation among Albanians and in the time of the existence of common national state? Especially Roman Catholics felt enmity toward Muslim compatriots, even considering them non-Albanians because of religion. If was like that during thirties of the 20th century, we can suppose how had been considering each other during almost five centuries of Ottoman rule, when Muslims were representatives of governing regime[26], that for Catholics was hell on earth.

Because all of this, Enver Hoxa after Second World War prohibited the religion as the largest barrier to the achievement of national unity. On the decision on prohibition to confess the religion did not influenced any communist rigidity, but exactly the necessity of the creation of conditions for appearance of one unique Albanian nation. The nation with so much religious discrepancies could not survive, the fact communist potentates officially admitted[27].When after decay of communism was renewed the freedom of religious communities activities, everything slowly started to return on previous situation: religious belongingness again obviously influenced on political activity. Very influencing political parties and high-circulation press were coloured with confessionality, no matter if it was speaking on terms of immediate influence of followers of some religious traditions in some of parties or in newspaper, or it was about the cultivation of atheist approach to the reality and history that was, on its side, in constant ideological and political conflict with confession. As always, Orthodox Church plays very large role in the creation of political and social environment in today’s Albania. Therefore the subject of this doctoral thesis will be the investigation of its influence on political events from 1990. till 2005, in the period fateful for the present of Albania, for its future and for relations with neighbours.

Modern complex Balkan relations, with its roots in nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire weakening period, includes also the Albanian question as very important segment. Nineteenth century is the period of fight of Balkan Christian peoples for liberation from multicentury Islamic-Ottoman rule. We are using intentionally the expression „Islamic-Ottoman“, because in the description of historic events was talking only about „Turkish“ occupation: with exclusive use of such secular terminology considerably was neglected the religious dimension of these conquests.

From the other side, similar relativization remains also when ethnic concept „Turks“, is replaced with concept „Ottomans“, because on that way also is neglected Islam as most important characteristic of that state, with the capital since 1453. in Constantinople. Professor Jevtić nevertheless successfully proves that in the essence of the political project born among Seljuq Turks, and continued by their relatives Ottomans, is Islamic ideology. Seljuq Turks did not attacked Bizancy and win in the battle of Manzikert 1071. in the name of Turkish national idea, neither the state created in the thirteenth century by Osman had ruled Balkan till 1912. because of the Turkish state idea. The firsts and the seconds were leaded by basic idea of Islamic mission accomplishment, dava, most precisely – expansion of Islam using the sword, because the Balkan Christians otherwise did not want to accept Islamic legal regime. Seljuq Turks conquered the larger part of Bizancy, and Ottomans, continuing their expedition, came till Vienna. Their objective was only one expansion of Islamic legal regime via holy war, jihad. On that way was conquered also the territory of today's Albania, that was included too in  the system of Sharia's state-legal praxis. Albanians were treated on the same way as Greeks, Serbs, Bulgars and all these suppressed peoples experienced it on the same way: they were Christians, and as Christians were attacked. Their hardships were experiencing as suffering for Christ, what is testified in entire written and oral literature of Bizancy after the battle of Manzikert: nowhere as victims were mentioned Greeks, but Christians, Orthodox Christians who suffered for Christ. Written and oral tradition of other Balkan peoples has the same character (the Albanian is more oral because of undeveloped written literature). Collision of cross and crescent is the basic motive in experiencing of Ottoman conquests.

All suppressed Christian peoples have the same thought. They hate the suppression of foreign religion that attempts to prove its trueness and faithfulness with its military invincibility. Christians, among them also Albanians, refusing to accept argumentation of conquerors, answer that it is God's punishment because of their sins. In time Islamic pressure was becoming even stronger and stronger, and people slowly gives up. Except escape to the neighbour Christian countries, the only solution is martyrdom or abandonment of religion. In neighbour Christian countries, all of them Roman Catholics, were not welcome and were persecuted as schismatic. Some of them stay and accept martyrdom, and the resistance of majority of them by time weaken: to them eventually the islamization was the only solution.

That is the way Balkan Muslims appeared. And not only that – that is also the way present Turks appeared. Here we must mention again professor Jevtić who propounds the most simple logical question: „Everybody agrees that the ancestors of Turks were people of mongoloid race, similar to present Chineses and Mongols. How is possible that present Turks are white people? Well, even extremely white people like former Prime Minister Tansu Çiler or Ismail Cem, minister of foreign affairs?“ His second question is: „Thanks to which people mongoloid Turks became white people?“ Today's Greeks don't like to answer on this, because the basic anthropological material today's Turks are created of are exactly Anatolian Greeks, and then also Bulgars, Serbs, Hungarians, Croats, Slovenians, Romanians and Ukrainians and even Austrians, i. e. Germans; among them also many Albanians. Accepting Islam and language of other people, assimilating with mongoloid turcophones, they had completely forgotten their origin. With its numerousity completely racially assimilated mongoloids, and today assure, without thinking if it is possible, that they are descendants of comers from Altay. Nevertheless, it is probably that their supposed ancestors because of that would not recognize them as descendants, since is difficult that mongoloid race ever could be someone who looks like Suede, like Ismail Cem, according to professor Jevtić.

Ethnogenesis of Turks was not nevertheless repeated in other Balkan Muslims. However they named theirself, preserved mother tongue, thanks of what knew that have the same origin like Serbs, Bulgars or Albanians which are not Muslims. Nevertheless, because of Islamization they lost every emotional relation with their language community, so because of primacy of religion over language and ethnic origin accepted political unity with Muslims of other ethnolinguistic belongingnesses, and especially with turcophones. In the nineteenth century, when because of Empire weakening the fight for freedom was more certain and when because of weakening of central power local Muslims were becoming particularly cruel with Christian subjects, liberating rebellions were arising (that even before were not rarity, but now could have success): that is the way independent Christian states were born – first Greece then Serbia and Montenegro and finally Bulgaria.

The only Balkan community that did not rebel against Ottoman Islamic rule was Albanian. The reason is simple: Greek, Serbian, and Bulgarian liberation movement were rebellions of Christians against Muslims, and Albanians in their huge majority were Muslims: because of that the rebellion of Christian neighbours they considered the rebellion against themselves, that is completely exact, because they were the protagonists of the regime the Christians rebelled against. Fights of Balkan Christians in the areas where bordered on islamized Albanians indeed were fights against them as conquered by Sultan and caliph from Constantinople, and there where Albanians did not existed as homogen population their squads on the command of central power were going to suppress the rebellions. Ali Pasha Tepelene with its army had been preventing liberation movements of Greeks, Serbs and all Balkan Christians.

Because all of that Albanian Orthodoxes as minority on the territory of today's Albania could not follow other Balkans coreligionists. They had or to suffer and therefore eternally remain part of Ottoman empire, what would like their Muslim compatriots, or to assimilate with neighbour Christians. Then Albanian Orthodoxes divided: part of them chose the Greek national idea and took part in the battle for creation of new Greece, and those who because of oppression moved into neigbour countries, in the time assimilated into Serbs, Romanians or Bulgarians. Nevertheless, major part of the seconds who even abroad felt nostalgic for homeland took from middle-class Europe the idea of secular nation, the one that overcomes the religion. They started to propose the idea of unification of all Albanians, no matter of religion, on the basis of the language in common and creation of secular Albanian nation.

That idea started to propagate first Orthodox Albanians moved into Romania. Furthermore, their principle representative Naum Vecilhardzi, father of first Albanian script, not even was Albanian but Tsintsar, who because his ethnic origin had to emigrate to the Romanic Romania. How Sisyphean was that task is obvious on the basis of the information that even his cousin considered that this idea was senseless, because Albanian nation simply – does not exist. That idea later began to accept also Roman Catholic intellectuals, but not Sunni Muslim majority, so necessary for the accomplishment of that national project.

National awakening initiated by Orthodoxes begun during fourties of nineteenth century. Several decades had to pass when first Muslims, brothers Fracherie – Naim, Abdul and Sami, joined to the movement. Nevertheless, they were not Sunni but Bektashi, members of one very heterogeneous Islamic Dervish sect considered heretical by official Islamic theology. In the national emancipation movement still there was no Sunni Muslims: they were completely on the side of Sultan, their religious caliph leader. Additionaly is important to emphasize that Albanian national awakening coincided with the regency of Pan-Islamic Sultan Abdul Hamid, who particularly pleaded for Muslim unity for salvation of the Empire, and was giving special place to the Albanian Muslims: they formed his personal guard of remarkable confidence.

Having gained extraordinary privileges in the Empire, Albanians become very familiarized with it, so as Muslims hated any mention of Albanian idea. They considered Albanization (Albanian national project) and Albania even treachery of Islam, that besides was not exclusively their comprehension, but general attitude of Islamic theology established dogmatically. Since the inspirers of the Albanization idea were non-believers, Muslims could perceive that conception only as antireligious subversion that can result with the journey to hell. In vain these protagonists of Albanian national idea had been trying to transfer theirs concepts into political praxis and Albanian Muslims movements toward national direction. Therefore the true rebellion of Albanians against Sultan failed to arise. Though, there were some rebellions bloody suppressed, but they were not of national-liberation character, rather fight to preserve the privileges and to maintain the anarchy situation that was making them possible to steal from Christians.

To achieve the idea of Albanian nation Orthodox practitioners considered very important the religious independence from Fener that had jurisdiction also on the territory of today's Albania, so therefore projected the creation of separated Albanian Church with liturgy on Albanian, but without success. Albanian historicians attempts to explain that failure as the consequence of activities of Porte and Fener, that really was the case, but that was not the main reason at all: it was the fact that Orthodoxes quite mostly preferred union with Greece, no matter they were Greeks or not. That idea then did not succeed to gain massive support, but nevertheless did maintain till the later period.

The conjunction of historic circumstances was not convenient to the huge majority of Muslim Albanians who wanted the unique state governed by Sultan till the end of this world and fiery trial by ordeal. In Balkan Wars Ottoman Empire was defeated, so it had to cede its Balkan's territories to the states that triumphed. Albanians remained abandoned: that Ottoman province, till the end loyal to Sultan, had or to accept the idea of Albania and Albanization or to be divided between Christians, Greeks and Serbs. That impasse nevertheless had emergency exit – everybody had to accept the idea of independent Albania, based upon the nationalist idea, initiated and defined by Orthodoxes supported by some important Roman Catholics, such as Vasa Pasko and Zef Jubani.

Strong support to that process gave already formed religious organization in USA leaded by Fan Noli, and with that the accomplishment of the idea of independent Albania and Albanian nation had won important victory. Therefore was possible that two Orthodoxes, Pandeli Evangjeli and Idhomene Kosturi, and even before Noli's return had been Prime Ministers in prevailingly Muslim Albania. But, the largest weakness of this achievement was the fact that huge Muslim majority of population did not consider theirself as a part of the community with Orthodoxes, nor the majority of Orthodoxes did not feel any familiarity with Muslims. Those who sincerelly fought for unity of all Albanians of all religions in Albania could be counted on fingers, while Albanian Orthodoxes from USA not only were far away, but also considering their strength were insignificant. Anyway, their idea triumphed, so Fan Noli in 1913 came to Albania to enjoy the fruits of his work. That was his first arrival to homeland, where had never lived: born in Eastern Thrace, he traveled to the Mediterranean and USA, but not to Albania. And while in his native Thrace linguistic familiarity with Muslim Albanians could be uniting factor, in Albania was different: there Muslims were not minority, and they needed Christians only like subjects. Because of that albanophone Christians were orientated to Hellenes.

Therefore Noli met with Islamic country indeed not so unfamiliar to him, because he was born in Ottoman Empire and he knew the mentality; but did not know those he was fighting for – Albanians in Albania and in those regions they considered theirs. Then he faced up with feudal relations where all subordinated were Christians, and masters Muslims; there he experienced also massive Muslim peasant rebellion leaded by dervish Hajji Chamil. Rebels rejected independent Albania and wanted to return under „the Turkish oppression“ and this was shock for Noli.

But the conjunction of circumstances made reality the idea of independent national Albania and Noli to be the third Orthodox who leaded it, and this nevertheless will not repeat till Fatos Nano. It was clear that a Christian could not govern the Muslim Albania. During the regency of king Zog they could be sometimes Prime Ministers, but the supreme power was always in the hands of Muslims.

Beside that, Noli put the basis of present Orthodox Church of Albania as its first bishop: thanks to him, the very same Fener eventually had to accept its autocephaly. Birth of Orthodox Church of Albania and Albanian liturgy definitely contributed to the strengthening the idea of Albanian nation founded not on religion, but on the language, because Orthodoxes, having autocephal Church, started declaring as Albanians. All this made alive the idea of Albanian nation also among many liberally oriented Muslims. At the same time the international situation the Islamic world lived in was very convenient, and at first place the creation of new secular Turkey. That made possible the Albanian Muslims temporarily desist of Islamic idea in the name of the idea of secular state, so the idea of Albanian suprareligious nation was becoming stronger and stronger, although was not welcome among people. The ideas of association of Orthodoxes to Greece, creation of an independent Roman Catholic Albania, or unification of Muslims with Turkey were not realistic; therefore all calmed down and accepted the context of secular and formal Albanian national political movement.

The existence of autocephal Orthodox Church, that in the first time represented the proof that there were Albanians also out of Islam, at the same time was the obstacle to the creation of unique nation: Church has its way of life, its matrimonial rules, its cemeteries, etc., just like all other religious communities, so  their mutual unity was possible to accomplish only on  the level of common Albanian citizenship.

Enver Hoxa was deeply conscious of that and therefore forbade the religion. He understood that from three confront Ted confessions there was no possibility to create unique nation. He forbade the religion, giving religious names, and attempted to create secular atheist Albanian culture. The end of that experiment is well- known.

In this experiment, what is particularly important for us, the Orthodox community suffered the most, because Islamic and Roman Catholic ones were supported by former Yugoslavia, and the Orthodox only by USA, but without true power. Therefore the help could not be expected from there when was propounded again the question of Orthodox Church renewal: it had to be looked for from where already once had been obtained autocephaly - from Oecumenic Patriarchy. And it was like that how everything returned to the initial positions. The Orthodoxes from USA wanted to continue Noli's activity, but Noli was no any longer, and only the Oecumenic Patriarchy was available. Greek therefore had to return in churches in Albania again, until local clergy was not developed enough. Since was on speaking terms of subjects of different sovereignty - Albanian and Greek, but also Cypriot and Turkish (because the oecumenical patriarch was Turkish citizen) – the question of the renewal become opened political question.

Muslim authorities of Sali Berisha in every step of the exarch of oecumenical patriarch bishop Anastasios saw Greek attempt of annexing of South Albania, and every step of Greek state in his favour considered as antialbanian political activity. With strengthening of Islamic influence in the political orientation of DP it began to transform into Islamic-Christian conflict, because of what the activity renewal of Orthodox Church became prevailingly internal political question important for all habitants of Albania, and also important international political question that considerably affected Albanian-Greek relations, and the totality of this question was reflected through the above mentioned conflict. Berisha's regime on every way attempted to obstruct the archbishop Anastasios and make him leave the country, so there were no meetings of the representatives of two countries without propounding the question of the head of Orthodox autocephal Church of Albania. The government of Sali Berisha was proislamic orientated, and the only argumentation of Greece in the fight for making easy the position of the archbishop Anastasios was the situation of Albanian workers in Greece, but since that was not enough, Berisha nevertheless on every way had been succeeding to impede the formation of the complete ecclesiastical structure, on the first place of the Holy Synod of Bishops. All suggestions of Greek Government and Oecumenic Patriarchy slightly had been rejected, because all bishop candidates were Greeks. Maybe that election of Fener seemed to be tactless, but there was no other choice, because simply there were not Albanian theologians; it had to pass certain period of time until the first Albanian prepared for that service had not appeared.

In fact, a little bit before the political changes in Albania caused by pyramidal crisis, the Church succeeded to find and school the more educated native staff, and afterwards the arrival of socialists on power the situation changed fundamentally. Being proeuropean oriented, socialists had to ask for the support in Europe, and erstwhile they found it in Greece, among other countries, also because many of them were on different ways related with Hellenic culture. All this finally made possible the formation of the Holy of Bishops Synod and formation of the Church according to its canonical structure.

It was at first place the consequence of changed political circumstances and the fact that the first time after Noli the Orthodoxes replaced Muslims on power, because in counterpart the Synod could not be created at all. Nevertheless there was one difference. Noli was Albanian nationalist who wanted national Albanian Church, and socialist potentates were leftists-agnostics, who considered Church as instrument to prove the belongingness of Albania to Europe. Since many of executive of SP were ethnic Greeks and Tsintsars, they were accepting much easier the creation of the non-ethnic Orthodox Church, but in certain context, similar to the one set by Berisha: though by its constitution it was defined as non-ethnic, the church in Albania can not be governed by foreigners. Nevertheless, religious and political compromise to be in Synod two Greeks and two Albanians was important victory of the Orthodoxy and European idea. Thereby was put the basis of the Church activities no matter of political changes that appeared in 2005. The political importance of that fact was noticed at once. The Church became the unavoidable factor of the entire social life of the country. Besides its participation in all kinds of public activity, the Church became also the subject of international relations. The head of the Church was elected to the highest functions in world religious institutions and was being constantly invited to many exclusively political congresses of international political institutions. The resolutions from these congresses and addresses of bishop Anastasios testify that the whole world his activity considered just like that – as political activity that conditionates the stability on Balkan.

On the basis of all that is more than clear that the head of the Church succeeded to achieve many of his aims. But in order to obtain absolute legitimacy also in „the national“ aspect, the Church nevertheless had to address sincerely also to those who were on another side of Atlantic, Orthodox albano-americans. Noli's Church from the beginning of bishop Anastasios arrival manifestated strong enmity toward him and also toward the way of the renewal of the Church in homeland. It was very difficult to overcome that resistance and prove that Noli's ideas not only are suppressed thereby, but on the counterpart, thereby finally will come to reality. The initial unpromising of that intention demonstrates the information that the brothers Liolin who govern the Church in USA and who finally were the main protagonist of the reconciliation, previously were their principle opponent.

With persistent filigree, supported by help of individuals from Orthodox Albanian communities in USA, that ice began to melt for the episcopacy of Fan Noli. Those who were Albanian Orthodoxes nationalists mostly entrusted were the first to accept the bishop. Finally absolute acceptance of the archbishop was the invitation to co-officiate the liturgy with two well-known Albanian bishops, in Noli's Church in Boston, in the honour of Noli. Constant fight since 1991. Have created the conditions of actitivites in all politic circumstances, and also under the regime of DP with unfriendly mood. The citizenship question, the only trump that  at the  moment DP has against the head of the Church in Albania, slowly fades, because the bishop in 2011 will complete exactly twenty years on  he head the head of the Church, and this will to strong argumentation in his favour, since that condition for obtain the citizenship on  the beginning was set by the same DP. Of course, then  was thought that the deadline is unreachable and that the exarch till then will be forced to abandon the country.

On the basis of all exposed argumentations we can resume without hesitation that the activity of Orthodox Church in Albania since the beginning have had very large political influence. Its renewal and activity from the first day represented an important political act that have affected spheres of Albanian politics and society. This is why this subject is so important for the politicology of religion. It helps considerably the comprehension of a very important problem crucial for understanding of intra-Albanian relations, and relations of Albanians with theirs neighbours. Because all of this we are sure that the interest for the situation and role of the archbishop Anastasios in ecclesiastical and the political life of Albania will always be up-to-date and that will keep rising. The same Orthodox Church of that country will always be an important factor of its political life, and because of that all those who are interested in Balkan question will also have to take into consideration its role in this specific research.

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[1] Wаssa P., La verite sur l’Albanie et les Albanaise, Paris, 1879.

[2] see more in: Shpuza G, Jurmime ne epoken e Rilindjes Kombetare (Investigation of the national renaissance period), Тirana, 1980.

[3] Popovich A., L’Islam balкanique, Berlin 1986, р. 62.

[4] See more in: Baba R., Misticizma islame dhe  bektashizma (Islamic mysticism and bektashism), Тirana, 1995.

[5] Тhe New York Times Almanac, 2007, р. 526; Korm Ž, Multiconfessional communities, Sarajevo, 1977, p. 271.

[6] See: Yannoulatos А., Islam, Belgrade, 2005.

[7] Hoxhа Е.,Reflexions sur le moyen orient, Тirana, 1984, р. 494.

[8] Yelda D., Pan-Ideologies in the Ottoman Empire against the West: From Pan-Ottomanism to Pan-Islamism, The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations, no. 36 (2005), Ankara, р.151.

[9] Qur’an translated by Besim Korkut, Sarajevo, Сарајево, 1984, p. 617, footnote 33, paragraph 2.

[10] Read more about this in: Marmullak R., Albania and Albanians, London, 1975.

[11] Karčić F., Sharia courts in Yugoslavia 1918-1941, Sarajevo, 1986, p. 101.

[12] About Islamic eschatology see: Yannoulatos А., idem; Smailagić N, Lexicon of Islam, Sarajevo, 1990. See also Glavinas A, Vasilije Drinopoljski and his activity on church question of Albania, Epirus calendar, 4, (1982), p. 87-113, Ioannina

To make it easz to Serbian reader, titles of all publications on Greek are translated into Serbian. It is importwant to know that all books published in Greece indeed are published in greek language.

[13] Compare: Hoxha E., Disa mendime per rilindesit (Reflexion on promoters of our national renaissance, Studime politiko-shoqerore, 2 (1982), Tirana.

[14] Krasniqi R., Georges Kastrioti, Scеnderbeg, Paris-Firenza, 1983, р. 154. See also Albania, Athens, 2000; Intentari i ligatinave te Shqiperise, Athens, 2003; Лазакис Х., Albania, Athens, 2002.

[15] Pollo S., Arben P., Histoire de l’ Albanie des origins a nos jours, Roanne, 1974.

[16] ibid., р.75. See also: Арш Г. Л., Краткая история Албании, Moscow 1965; Konidaris G., About first mention of Albanians in ecclesiastical sources and their boundaries in  Byzantine era, Athens, 1953

[17] Viron K., Les conceptions du comite de liberation nationale a propos de la paysannerie, Studia Albanica, 2 (1983), р. 46, Тirana. „They did not permitted to the peasants even to make windows so they whole life were asphyxiated in smoke.“ Ibid. „Aghas were the worst exploiters of peasants. Agha is small tyrant and small master of the village.“ Ibid., р. 47. See also: Castellan G., Histoire de l’Albanie et des Albanais, Krozon, 2002.

[18] Victor B., La politique du Sultan, Paris, 1897, р. 149

[19] Pepo P., Kujtime nga levizja per clirimin kombetar 1878-1912. (Memories from people's liberation movement 1878-1912), Tirana, 1962.

[20] Pinon R., L’Europe et la jeune Tuquie, Paris, 1911, р. 337. See also Johalas Т., Albanian-Italian bibliography, Athens, 1996; Kontis V., The Greeks of Northern Epirus and Greek-Albanian relations, Athens, 1992; Kupitoris П., Albanian scientific reasearches about Albanian language and people, Athens, 1994.

[21] About dervishes  more in : Frasheri N., Fletore e Bektashinjet (Book about bektashis), Bucharest, 1896.

[22] Pollo S., Puto A., ibid., р. 187. See also Kupitoris P., idem; Kola P., The myth of greater Albania, New York, 2003; Konidaris G., idem.

[23] Pollo S., Puto A., ibid., р. 8.

[24] Jevtić М., idem, p. 22. See also Alvanos H., Democracy of dinosaur, Thessaloniki, 2000; Barcas P., Albania 1997, Athens, 2003; Benos Ј., Battles of Albanian people for  independence, Athens, 1983; Berard V., Turkey and hellenism. Greeks, Valachians, Albanians, Bulgars, Serbs, Athens, 1987; Cargacos S., Albanians, Arbanites, Greeks, Athens, 1999.

[25] Jevtić М., idem. See also E., Greece, Albania and Northern Epirus, Chicago, 1963; Cici F., Shestime dykrenore, Fan Noli ne fe (Two-winged crown, Fan Noli in religion), Gazetta ABC, November 8, 2005, p. 20, Tirana; Eustatiadis К., Albania- Greece and Organization of United Nations, Athens, 1946; Faveyrial J.-C., Histoire de l’Albanie, Peje, 2001; Ikonomu F., Orthodox Church of Albania 1912-1988. and fight for hellenism in Northern Epirus, Athens, 1988; Yannoulatos А., Step of orthodoxy in Albania, In Tritos М., Orthodox Church on Balcans today, Katherini, 2004; Yannoulatos А., In Orthodox Church of Albania together live Albanians, Greeks, Tsintsars and Slavs, Еastern Orthodoxy in Post-communist World, Athens 1994, p. 328-352; Yannoulatos А., Religious analysis of Islam, Athens, 1975.

[26] Rizaj S., The Islamization of the Albanians during the 15^th and 16^th Centuries, Studia Albanica, 2 (1985), р.127, Tirana.

[27] Jevtić М., idem, p. 28. See also Yannoulatos А., Saga and vision calm coexistence of religious communities in Albania, Ecclesia, 71 (1994), стр. 231-234, 279-282, 329-330, 360-363 (inaugural address to the Academy of Sciences in Athens, December 14, 1993), Athens; Idem, Albanian Church, history and spiritual tradition, Treasury of orthodoxy, Athens, 2000, p. 486-506; Idem, Do not mix religion and terrorism, Kathimerini, October 14, 2001, Athens (interview).

2005-2009 : Διδακτορική Διατριβή, Πανεπιστήμιο Βελιγραδίου, Σχολή Ν/Πολιτικών Επιστημών, Παν/μίου Βελιγραδίου. Τίτλος διδακτορικής διατριβής : "Politicki znacaj delovanja Pravoslavne Crkve u Albaniji, 1990-2005" (=Η πολιτική σημασία της δραστηριότητας της Ορθόδοξης Εκκλησίας στην Αλβανία), σύνολο 250 σελ. Στη σερβική γλώσσα με χρήση της συνολικής διεθνούς και ελληνικής βιβλιογραφίας, με σύμβουλο καθηγητή τον διεθνούς φήμης prof. dr Miroljub Jevtic. Τίτλος που αποκτήθηκε με εν μέρει υποτροφία της ελληνικής μειονότητας στη Σερβία, μέλους του απόδημου Ελληνισμού.
Προσεγγίζεται η Ιστορική σχέση επικοινωνίας θρησκείας και κράτους στον Βαλκανικό χώρο και κυρίως στο Κράτος της Αλβανίας, όπου το Μουσουλμανικό στοιχείο σε σχέση με το Χριστιανικό αναδεικνύει την ιστορικη προβληματική διαχρονικά σε όλες τις ιστορικές περιόδους (και στην αρχαία, και βυζαντινή και στη σύγχρονη, υπο το πρίσμα της πολιτικολογίας της θρησκείας και της ιστορικής της πορείας), σε ένα όμορο λαό, μέσα από τις ιστορικές μαρτυρίες αλλά και τα σύγχρονα δρώμενα, όσον αφορά και το συνταγματικό δικαίωμα της θρησκευτικής ελευθερίας, όπως ιστορικά εξελίχθηκε.
Επιχειρείται η παρουσίαση της ιστορικής πραγματικότητας στο γεωγραφικό και πολιτικό χώρο της Αλβανίας. Η ιστορική εμφάνιση του χριστιανισμού στην Ιλλυρία και η σημαντικότατη πολιτισμική και πολιτιστική επίδραση, μέχρι το ιστορικό Αυτοκέφαλο και τον διωγμό της ιστορικής πραγματικότητας, των μνημείων, των χριστιανικών ναών, των ιστορικών καθιδρυμάτων της κάθε θρησκείας και της ελευθερίας της θρησκευτικής έκφρασης. Κατόπιν η κατάρευση του μονοδρομικού πολιτικού καθεστώτος και η ανακαίνιση της ορθόδοξης εκκλησίας. Η εθνική ετερογένεση και η ορθόδοξη μειονότητα. Η σημασία της ελληνικής μειονότητας στην Αλβανία. Ο διεθνής ρόλος του Οικουμενικού Πατριαρχείου στην ανακαίνιση της ορθόδοξης εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας.
Παρουσιάζονται οι πολιτικές προεκτάσεις στην σύνθεση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας από πλευράς του Δημοκρατικού κόμματος του Σαλί Μπερίσα. Οι προσπάθειες για την δολοφονία του αρχηγού της Ορθόδοξης Εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας. Οι διαδικασίες για την ομαλή λειτουργία της Ιεράς Συνόδου και τα εμπόδια που συνάντησε, καθώς και η μεγάλη οικονομική κρίση και οι προεκτάσεις της για την κοινωνία του Αλβανικού Κράτους. Το κοινωνικό έργο και η προσφορά της Ορθοδοξίας στην Αλβανία. Η ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια στους από το Κόσοβο ερχόμενους λόγω του πολέμου. Η συνεργασία μεταξύ όλων των θρησκευτικών κοινοτήτων για συνεργασία στα κοινά προβλήματα. Οι μειονότητες των Τσιγκάνων, Βλάχων, Σλάβων, Ελλήνων και άλλων ορθοδόξων στην Αλβανία. Η διεθνής πολιτική σημασία της Ορθοδόξου Εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας στο διεθνές προσκήνιο. Διαπιστώνεται η ιστορική αλήθεια για την καταγωγή και σύσταση του Αλβανικού Κράτους και η άρρηκτη σχέση με την Ορθόδοξη Εκκλησία ανά τους αιώνες μέχρι την σύγχρονη ιστορική και διεθνή πραγματικότητα.
Στη σερβική γλώσσα με χρήση της συνολικής ιστορικής και πολιτικολογικής διεθνούς και ελληνικής βιβλιογραφίας. Προσεγγίζεται η σχέση θρησκείας και κράτους στον Βαλκανικό χώρο και κυρίως στο Κράτος της Αλβανίας, όπου το Μουσουλμανικό στοιχείο σε σχέση με το Χριστιανικό αναδεικνύει την προβληματική διαχρονικά σε όλες τις ιστορικές περιόδους (και στην αρχαία, βυζαντινή και στη σύγχρονη, υπο το πρίσμα της ιστορίας της πολιτικολογίας της θρησκείας και του πολιτισμού), σε ένα όμορο λαό, μέσα από τις ιστορικές μαρτυρίες αλλά και τα σύγχρονα δρώμενα, όσον αφορά και το συνταγματικό δικαίωμα της θρησκευτικής ελευθερίας. Επιχειρείται η παρουσίαση της ιστορικής πραγματικότητας στο γεωγραφικό και πολιτικό χώρο της Αλβανίας. Η ιστορική εμφάνιση του χριστιανισμού στην Ιλλυρία μέχρι το Αυτοκέφαλο και τον διωγμό της θρησκείας και της ελευθερίας της θρησκευτικής έκφρασης, ως πολιτισμική καταδολίευση. Κατόπιν η κατάρευση του μονοδρομικού πολιτικού καθεστώτος και η ανακαίνιση της ορθόδοξης εκκλησίας. Η εθνική ετερογένεση και η ορθόδοξη μειονότητα. Η σημασία της ελληνικής μειονότητας στην Αλβανία. Ο διεθνής ρόλος του Οικουμενικού Πατριαρχείου στην ανακαίνιση της ορθόδοξης εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας. Παρουσιάζονται οι πολιτικές προεκτάσεις στην σύνθεση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας από πλευράς του Δημοκρατικού κόμματος του Σαλί Μπερίσα. Οι προσπάθειες για την δολοφονία του αρχηγού της Ορθόδοξης Εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας. Οι διαδικασίες για την ομαλή λειτουργία της Ιεράς Συνόδου και τα εμπόδια που συνάντησε, καθώς και η μεγάλη οικονομική κρίση και οι προεκτάσεις της για την κοινωνία του Αλβανικού Κράτους. Το κοινωνικό έργο και η προσφορά της Ορθοδοξίας στην Αλβανία. Η ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια στους από το Κόσοβο ερχόμενους λόγω του πολέμου. Η συνεργασία μεταξύ όλων των θρησκευτικών κοινοτήτων για συνεργασία στα κοινά προβλήματα. Οι μειονότητες των Τσιγκάνων, Βλάχων, Σλάβων, Ελλήνων και άλλων ορθοδόξων στην Αλβανία. Η διεθνής πολιτική σημασία της Ορθοδόξου Εκκλησίας της Αλβανίας στο διεθνές προσκήνιο. Διαπιστώνεται η ιστορική αλήθεια για την καταγωγή και σύσταση του Αλβανικού Κράτους και η άρηκτη σχέση με την Ορθόδοξη Εκκλησία ανά τους αιώνες μέχρι την σύγχρονη ιστορική και διεθνή πραγματικότητα.
Αλ. Παναγόπουλος (2009), "Politicki znacaj delovanja Pravoslavne Crkve u Albaniji, 1990-2005" (=Η πολιτική σημασία της δραστηριότητας της Ορθόδοξης Εκκλησίας στην Αλβανία), Αθήνα.